Holy Harm

By Sarah Oliveira

Around the world, countless women are forced to comply with laws and customs that deny them basic human rights in the name of extremist religious principles. In places like Afghanistan where the Taliban rules, religion is manipulated to fit a fundamentalist narrative and serve as a justification for forced child marriages, suspension of education for women, and total removal of their autonomy. As a way of establishing dominative control, the Taliban ensures that if these restrictive rules are not followed, women can be subject to beatings, sexual violence, and even execution. This extremism essentially stems from corrupt individuals who take advantage of the goodness associated with religion, and begin to selectively interpret scripture, promoting exclusivism, division, and fostering intolerance among people. Even America, a place that historically echoes “freedom” in its name, has been subject to the manipulation of religion through movements like the Ku Klux Klan, where “white supremacist groups” used Christian rhetoric to justify racial violence (Johnson). Several of these groups include branches of neo-Nazism such as National Alliance and Volksfront, which remain active today and continue to advocate for violence against homosexuals, abortion providers, and mixed-race couples, all relying heavily on religious ideals as a form of justification (Johnson). Correspondingly, abortion stands as an ongoing debate, fueling divisions between Americans as abortion extremists manipulate religious texts and utilize God to justify violent acts such as killing others and destroying property (Johnson). These instances signify that in the face of extreme laws and beliefs, the line between definite truth and rules imposed by others can often be blurred, with many exploiting religious doctrines to justify discrimination and censorship of individuals. Because of this extremism, women are often undermined in religious settings due to a more rigid interpretation of gender roles, further restricting their authorities and opportunities within society.

Legalistic perspectives seldom start off as violent extremism, however, if insufficient resistance is shown, they tend to rise and can be used as systemic gender-based oppression against women. In the Middle East, it is not unusual to see feminine figures, enveloped by religious garments as a way of preserving modesty under the Taliban regime. Nevertheless, these imposed rules do not stop at full body coverings, and according to Heather Barr, associate director of the Women’s Rights Division at Human Rights Watch, rules have in fact progressed to fully restricting women from working, attending school and even travelling outside their homes without a male “guardian (mahram).” Barr further explains that Taliban policies have turned countless women and girls into “virtual prisoners” in their own homes due to restrictions on access to identification documents such as passports and national ID cards, removing their right to vote and travel. This oppression is metaphorically visualized in Hosein-Habibi’s painting, where a girl is covered in a chador secretly reading a glowing book labeled The Future of Afghanistan. The chador is often seen as a religious or cultural covering, although in the picture, it doubles as a symbol of erasure, while the veiled book shines with the untold story of female resilience—something that many women in the article speak about as they learn to cope with the things they lost but also find ways to survive and hope, even in dire conditions brought on my religious extremism (Barr). In an interview, a single and impoverished woman claims she borrowed money to celebrate her young daughter’s birthday because she wanted her to know that even at the “height of poverty, [she still cares] about her birthday and happiness” (Barr). Comparative to how the girl in the painting holds onto the light of education under her veil, this mother holds onto love and dignity even amidst hardship, presenting a powerful act of resilience and determination.

Though extremists seek to exploit women through violence and restrictions, militant groups have manipulated them to serve their needs, further limiting their autonomy and leaving many with no choice but to adhere to the rules. In her statement to the U.S. Congress, Jamille Bigio, senior member of the Council on Foreign Relations, addresses that religious extremist groups take advantage of their dominance over women in order to benefit financially and strategically from “the[ir] subjugation” (1). This refers to the manipulation that is exercised by these groups to coerce women through ideological manipulation or force them into violent propaganda-driven operations, which are often a critical element of terrorist attacks. However, in contrast to Bigio’s focus on militant groups’ weaponization of women, Barr’s interviews reveal the personal effects of these restrictions. For example, a former medical student recounted that she was denied entrance to urgent care by the Taliban because she “didn’t have a mahram (male guardian),” leaving her without access to basic health service and independence (Barr). In addition to these restrictions, Bigio notes that many women are “terrorized through sexual violence” and used “as a form of currency in a shadow economy” to generate profits for the Taliban through a system that commodifies women and conceals their exploitation under the guise of religion (2). Echoing Bigio’s statement on the suffering endured by these women, Barr emphasizes that they remain more vulnerable to religious psychosis from militant groups like Boko Haram, Taliban, and ISIS due to their economic reliance on men and overall lack of autonomy. In addition to the abuse and inhumane cruelties, these groups also attempt to recruit women to join terrorist attacks and partake in other unlawful acts through distortion of religious doctrines and promises of belonging. Bigio notably provides an example of this, where a group of Nigerian girls choose to “marry into Boko Haram to receive Quranic education” (3). This voluntary effort emphasizes how their choices are based on misinformation and lack of option, making them vulnerable to extremist groups who make their cause appear honorable and redemptive to women who feel powerless in their relentless pursuit of denied education.

With extremists acting on these fragile circumstances, they can readily dominate women and involve them in suicide attacks, bombings, or train them to be spies. Because women are often more discreet, they are effortlessly capable of hiding “suicide devices under their clothing,” as they can only be searched by other women, and it is rare to find “female security official[s]” (Bigio 3). Extremist groups count on this principle that women may not be touched by men and have also applied this law as a restriction to the healthcare treatment they may receive which is permitted solely when administered by other women. While Bigio focuses on how extremist groups exploit religious customs for convenient advantage, Barr adds that with the permanent ban on post-secondary education for all women across Afghanistan and other countries, they are completely incapable of pursuing a degree in medicine, leading to an overall shortage of female doctors and an unpredictable future for women. Together, both authors reveal that religious and cultural restrictions are weaponized not only for momentary limitations but also long-term disempowerment, leading to even larger issues concerning half of the population in most Middle Eastern countries.

While the oppression of women is often more visible and violently enforced in the Middle East, religious extremism is not merely confined to non-Western cultures, and does in fact perpetrate the United States, challenging stereotypes surrounding domestic fundamentalism in modern society. For centuries in the American church, the role of women has been interpreted by a patriarchal lens which sees them as inherently inferior, leading to the cultural internalization of their status as subservient to that of men (Little 68-69). Mary Little, pioneer of women’s education in Jamaica, critiques the double standard that expects women to give everything to religion, while denying them power through church teachings and practices, which subtly reinforces female inferiority. Although Bigio and Barr highlight how militant groups place restrictions on women’s lives through fear and violence, Little exposes how churches reinforce gender inferiority, often through cultural conditioning, false theology and fundamentalist traditions. She asserts that many principles seem contradictory in the sense that if one is to argue for a woman’s independence and freedom in the secular world yet declare that they “should be subordinate in marriage and silent in church,” then they are choosing to “stand the Gospel on its head” (74). Correspondingly, this practice is well displayed in Tara Westover’s book, Educated, a memoir depicting her journey through a difficult relationship with her family’s ideals which are heavily predisposed by her father, Gene. Gene consistently uses his own interpretations of scripture stemming from distant values of Mormonism as a form of maintaining control over the family (especially the women), despite his own abusive and paranoid behavior. He projects strange conspiracies and fundamentalist ideologies by invoking religion as a means of justification, repeatedly claiming, “it is God’s will” (Westover 16-17). Additionally, Gene constructs a narrative which establishes expectations that a woman’s role is to remain obedient and maintain a silenced composure—a matter similarly addressed by Little as she discusses that in a fundamentalist environment, women are often taught that being a “loving, obedient daughter” or a “dutiful wife” is the pinnacle of their worth (Westover 177; Little 69). This dynamic of spiritualized submission is the very basis for how religious control becomes a blueprint for dictating a woman’s identity.

Certain ideals in religious extremism are not always born from scripture, but from its misinterpretation and exaggeration, often used to serve patriarchal goals within the church and society. These teachings are also commonly misinterpreted by people in power, whether it is the church or a domineering father with the goal of subordinating women within his household. According to Little, churches have “erased” notable examples of female leadership in religious settings such as Pheobe in Romans 16, who was appointed by Paul as a deaconess of the church in the name of the Lord (73). This highlights that many of the gendered rules applied today are not scriptural, but cultural distortions maintained by the church. In parallel to this, Gene in Educated serves as a tangible example of how one can place strong emphasis on religious ideals, with most of them not rooted in scripture and instead stemming from paranoia. Framing religion as a tool for personal control masked by spiritual duty with no actual biblical grounding, Gene withholds education, especially from his daughters, to keep them uninformed and obedient, claiming that “public school [is] a ploy by the Government to lead children away from God” (Westover 5). This argument paints a picture of his religion-cloaked authoritarianism, resembling how religious leaders, despite biblical evidence, “accommodate” to patriarchy and reject women’s access to knowledge and leadership within the church (Little 72). As contended by Little, religious institutions are “slow in denouncing the degradation of women” (72), mirroring the way Westover’s parents dismissed her brother’s abuse, where violence against Tara was spiritually excused rather than confronted, reinforcing the idea that women’s suffering is often a tolerated part of religious life.

From an external perspective outside the church, religious extremism also tends to become entangled with political and cultural forces, making it a systematic weapon that can redefine public opinion and influence women’s rights across various settings. Sue Katz, longstanding member of WAF (Women Against Fundamentalism), discusses persisting issues with extremism in Britain and explains that fundamentalism is not merely “religious observance,” but a “modern political movement” that aims to control women’s minds and bodies through religiously biased national policies and public education (42). While Katz highlights external mechanisms of control, academic researchers at San Antonio University, Harris and Mills, emphasize a more internal form of fundamentalism which happens through active religious participation such as church attendance. This theory proves that consistent church attendance is often associated with decreasing support for abortion, as it reinforces values that prioritize responsibility for others over self- determination, especially in moral decisions influenced by group norms (Harris and Mills 162). This communal shaping of moral values around abortion mirrors the broader political manipulation of religious doctrine described by Katz, who notes that the relationship between church and state is being violated to “promote Christianity as an expression of British cultural identity” (42). These biased policies are often based on legalistic interpretations of religious morality which often oppose women’s independence such as access to abortion, leadership roles, and sexual health information, which is currently being denied at several British public schools unless parents specify a desire to include it in teachings (Katz 43).

Beyond shaping present beliefs and public policy, religious fundamentalists have also begun manipulating historical narratives to legitimize restrictions on women’s rights. Deborah Whitehead, Associate Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Colorado, argues that feminism is being reshaped by anti-abortion agencies like the Susan B. Anthony List, into something that prioritizes religious morality and fetal rights over women’s freedoms. Arguably, these conservative groups are cherry-picking quotes and twisting facts to fit a political agenda and are not at all interested in the historical accuracy of these claims, resembling the way that some teachings promoted by the church can be misleading and steer people in a direction that favors a specific political agenda and eventually dictate their beliefs depending on their devotion (Harris and Mills 139). The “rewriting” of history to convey the impression that feminism has always aligned with anti-abortion beliefs, reveals the nature of manipulation that comes with extreme religious emphasis, often distorting history to conveniently support false narratives. Following the redefinition of terms like feminism and attitudes toward abortion, these beliefs extend beyond isolated groups and are capable of permeating entire societies, as Katz illustrates through the example of Britain’s government and its lack of separation from the church. Inherently, the manipulation of religious doctrines has greater impacts in society, not only by reshaping feminist ideals, but also infiltrating people’s belief systems and establishing a cultural expectation that women’s freedoms must be sacrificed to preserve religious and national identity.

Religious extremism, whether announced violently or quietly woven into laws and customs, ultimately seeks to control women’s bodies, and beyond that, rewrites the possibilities of their lives. Beneath every law that seeks to assert feminine inferiority, and every limitation that is placed on women to fit a moral agenda, there is one common thread: the stripping away of choice. From distant worlds of cities in Afghanistan to rural towns of America, the manipulation of religious ideals has entirely reshaped what it means to grow up as a woman, to imagine a future, or demand a voice. Consequently, women’s identities become battlegrounds where distorted visions of faith are exploited to justify inequality. The human cost of this is not merely the loss of stolen opportunities but the slow deterioration of individuality and liberty which stand at the very core of freedom—a foundation that sustains the American spirit. In essence, resisting religious extremism is about reclaiming the human spirit, and establishing a future not written by hands of power and instead, by the will of each individual to live with dignity and without constraint.

Works Cited

Barr, Heather. “Afghanistan: Taliban Deprive Women of Livelihoods, Identity.” Human Rights Watch, 18 Jan. 2022, www.hrw.org/news/2022/01/18/afghanistan-taliban-deprive-women-livelihoods-identity?gad_source=1&gclid=CjwKCAjwzMi_BhACEiwAX4YZUC-CbjqoCnmH81Mx3Sbj-_9Qpor4a0KhOqufuhnsUMtDCGA3EDI9RhoCL7gQAvD_BwE

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Harris, Richard J., and Edgar W. Mills. “Religion, Values and Attitudes toward Abortion.” Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, vol. 24, no. 2, 1985, pp. 137–54. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/1386338. Accessed 4 Apr. 2025.

Hosein-Habibi, Maria. Afghan Girl Wearing A Chador. 2023. Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty, https://www.rferl.org/a/art-therapy-afghan-women-paint-experiences-taliban/32308204.html
Johnson, Daryl. “Holy Hate: The Far Right’s Radicalization of Religion.” Southern Poverty Law Center, 3 Dec. 2024, www.splcenter.org/resources/reports/holy-hate-far-rights-radicalization-religion/.

Katz, Sue. “The Rise of Religious Fundamentalism in Britain: The Experience of Women against Fundamentalism.” Gender and Development, vol. 3, no. 1, 1995, pp. 42–44. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4030424. Accessed 31 Mar. 2025.

LITTLE, MARY BERNADETTE. “THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE CHURCH AND SOCIETY.” Caribbean Quarterly, vol. 37, no. 1, 1991, pp. 68–82. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23050552. Accessed 6 Apr. 2025.

Westover, Tara. Educated: A Memoir. Random House, 2022.

Whitehead, Deborah. “Feminism, Religion, and the Politics of History.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion, vol. 27, no. 2, 2011, pp. 3–9. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2979/jfemistudreli.27.2.3. Accessed 6 Apr. 2025.